The post-2000 generation in China: A social mentality perspective

An academic look at youth mentality, work, identity, and everyday life

Last month, while traveling for work, I ran into one of my former teachers from my university days in Shanghai. He had been a mentor with our campus arts and theatre group, and I spent some time back then learning acting and playwriting under his guidance. When we met this time, we talked about the students he works with now. He noted that today’s students — most of them born after 2000 — are quite different from those of twenty years ago.

I’ve long been interested in China’s younger generations, and recently I came across an academic article on the website Aisixiang, an aggregator of scholarly writing on a range of topics from top Chinese experts. The article, titled “Key Features and Formation Mechanisms of the Social Mindset of the Post-2000 Generation,” is written by Hu Xianzhong, a professor at the Central School of Communist Youth League of China.

According to Aisixiang, this article is part of “国家社科基金高校思政课研究专项重点项目” a key project under the National Social Science Fund’s special research program on ideological and political theory courses in higher education. It was originally published in People’s Tribune (人民论坛), an academic journal affiliated with People’s Daily, and later made available on Aisixiang. The article was first published on Sept. 16.

The article looks at the social mindset of China’s post-2000 cohort from several angles, including self-confidence, views on employment, attitudes toward life, information habits, social interaction, and consumption patterns. I think it’s worth sharing here. Since the piece is fairly long, I haven’t translated the final section on policy responses — if you’re curious, the original is available online.

At its core, the article argues that the social mentality of China’s post-2000 generation resists simple labels. It is shaped by overlapping tensions—between confidence and anxiety, stability and mobility, competition and withdrawal, private feeling and public concern. Growing up amid China’s rapid rise and deep digitalization, this cohort combines strong national and cultural confidence with unease over economic uncertainty and shifting values.

Rather than portraying them as either disengaged or relentlessly driven, the author shows how contradictory orientations coexist: pragmatic career planning alongside experimentation, the pursuit of “small but certain happiness” alongside concern for fairness and social justice. The article also highlights the internet’s dual role in empowering and enclosing digital natives, shaping their emotional lives, consumption choices, and search for a workable definition of a “good life” that balances individual dignity with social progress.

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Key Features and Formation Mechanisms of the Social Mindset of the Post-2000 Generation

Social mentality is characterized by wholeness, diffuseness, and universality, while at the same time displaying diversity, differentiation, and distinctiveness across different social groups. The post-2000 generation in China (those born in or after 2000), who are currently between the ages of 16 and 25, began entering secondary school around 2012, moved into universities starting in 2018, and gradually entered the workforce from 2020 onward. They have now become a dynamic social group with distinctive characteristics.

Specific Manifestations of the Social Mentality of the Post-2000 Generation

Every generation of youth is situated within a specific social coordinate system, and shifts in mentality inevitably bear the imprint of broader historical change. In the course of national rejuvenation and the building of a strong country, the post-2000 generation has enjoyed the dividends of reform and opening-up while simultaneously confronting unprecedented developmental challenges, giving rise to a distinctive social mentality.

As a more confident generation, the post-2000 cohort demonstrates strong patriotism and national pride rooted in a high degree of political identification and national identification. They grew up during a period of rapid expansion in China’s comprehensive national strength, with major national achievements—such as crewed spaceflight, aircraft carriers, the J-20 stealth fighter, and the Five-hundred-meter Aperture Spherical Telescope —forming part of their collective memory.

The perception of a country “born strong” has endowed them with the confidence to view the world on equal footing. They actively embrace mainstream films and television productions and disseminate narratives of Chinese strength through social media; cultural confidence is clearly externalized, as seen in their support for domestic brands such as Huawei and Hongxing Erke, and in their promotion of hanfu (the traditional Chinese attire) and traditional Chinese music onto the international stage.

Within their respective social contexts, young people of the post-2000 generation display abundant self-confidence and fervent patriotism: border defense soldier Chen Xiangrong fulfilled his vow of “pure love, only for China” through concrete action; university student Wang Juntao became China’s 20,000th hematopoietic stem-cell donor, stating plainly that “saving lives is the greatest honor”; and tennis player Zheng Qinwen declared on the Olympic stage, “I’m exhausted, but I can still play three more hours for my country.”

At the same time, some young people exhibit more extreme mentalities, often substituting political stance for factual judgment and engaging in doxxing and online violence against those holding different views. Such behaviors, in essence, confuse public discourse through far-fetched logic, undermine legitimate civic rights, and may easily give rise to extremist thinking.

The employment mentality of the post-2000 generation shows clear stratification and differentiation, with a coexistence of risk-avoidant stability-seeking and high mobility.

Overall, their employment outlook is relatively pragmatic. They tend to plan career paths based on factors such as the social influence of their universities, the market compatibility of their majors, the level of social resources available to them, and their personal interests, resulting in diverse employment orientations.

On the one hand, amid global economic uncertainty, graduates’ preference for stability has continued to intensify, with a stronger inclination toward stable jobs and incomes. According to Zhaopin’s 2024 College Students’ Employability Survey Report, the top two preferred employers are state-owned enterprises (47.7 percent) and government agencies (14.7 percent). Among priority considerations, “salary and benefits” (71.2 percent) and “stability is most important” (51 percent) rank highest.

On the other hand, the rise of new occupations and new business models has made individualized aspirations a key criterion in career choice. Highly mobile career trajectories have become the norm for some in the post-2000 cohort, who explore career directions through mobility, create opportunities, and experience freer, more autonomous, and more open working arrangements.

The rise of the internet society and advances in information technology have broken down temporal and spatial barriers, providing a boundless online arena.

Many post-2000 individuals are enthusiastic about cross-sector and cross-field part-time work, becoming so-called “slash youth,” a term for young people piecing together a living through multiple part-time jobs. For example, a best-selling online writer’s primary occupation may be that of a government civil servant, while an online illustrator earning tens of thousands of yuan per month may be a university student. Through active experimentation with different social roles and life experiences, they enrich their career trajectories. In addition, some recent graduates are neither employed nor enrolled in further education six months after graduation—either continuing to search for satisfactory jobs or preparing for another attempt at postgraduate entrance exams or civil-service exams after initial failure. Most of these “slow advancement” graduates rely on parental financial support.

The coexistence of “小确幸” (small but certain happiness) and “小而美” (small-scale beauty) in self-perception with an expanding range of public concerns creates a distinctive tension in the social mentality of the post-2000 generation.

Compared with other age groups, they are particularly adept at capturing small moments of everyday happiness: the warmth of the first milk tea in autumn, the surprise of a long-lost call from a relative or friend, or the pleasure of a short trip can all spark joy. In a modern society dominated by instrumental rationality, individual expectations are continuously lowered; through concrete and subtle life experiences, “small happiness” restores subjectivity to personal lives that have been alienated. This pursuit of happiness can be understood as a poetic resistance to one-dimensional life under a performance-driven society.

Notably, while attending to their own feelings, the post-2000 generation also extends its concern to rights and the broader environment. Issues ranging from gender equality and educational resource distribution to employment opportunities and data privacy; from technological innovation and comprehensive rural revitalization to carbon neutrality and public health security—all have entered their field of attention.

“Small but certain happiness” represents the projection of survival needs for the post-2000 generation, while the pursuit of fairness and justice reflects a value sublimation of developmental needs. The micro-level entry points and macro-level perspectives of their social mentality may appear incompatible, but in essence both reflect the value integration and spiritual aspirations of this cohort during a period of social transformation.

These are dialectically unified in their perceptions and reflections, as well as in their holistic definition of a “good life”: they seek both micro-level safeguards of individual dignity and macro-level progress in social civilization. When anxiety arises, they may retreat to “small happiness” and enjoy the pleasures of everyday details; when they perceive institutional fairness, they may become more actively engaged in public affairs.

In this sense, the emotional stability provided by “small happiness” supplies the psychological energy that enables young people to sustain attention to public issues, while a fair social environment lays the foundation for individual happiness. Together, these form the bedrock of youth social mentality.

Between the alienation of performance evaluation generated by rat race and the meaning vacuum induced by quiet quitting, the post-2000 generation continues to explore the value of life. In terms of individual life stages, the youngest members have entered secondary school, most are studying at universities, and some have already joined the workforce. Pressures from academics, employment, and work first manifest as rat race.

Facing intense workplace competition, although the post-2000 cohort has been labeled as “rectifying the workplace,” many still find themselves torn between leaving work on time and coping with last-minute overtime. The roots of involution lie in resource scarcity and a singular evaluation system. When educational credentials, salaries, and positions become the primary yardsticks of value, young people may be forced into a “theater effect,” in which those in the front rows stand up and those behind must tiptoe. Yet rat race is not entirely negative: it can drive efficiency gains, technological innovation, and even breakthroughs in certain fields, and in some sense also represents a form of youthful striving.

Before the echoes of “佛系 (fo xi),” roughly translated to “Buddha Style” referring those who advocate refusing societal pressures and forgoing ambition, detachment have faded, the discourse of quiet quitting has surged forward, accompanied by new terms such as “摆烂 (bai lan),” or let it rot in English, and “摸鱼 (mo yu)”, or slacking off.

Rather than viewing quiet quitting as total surrender, it is more appropriate to understand it as a posture adjustment: when effort and reward are mismatched, and when hard work is alienated into meaningless consumption, some in the post-2000 generation choose “low desire” as a way to counter “high rate race.” The latent risk of quiet quitting, however, lies in masking confusion with detachment and dissolving responsibility through nihilistic culture, potentially eroding willpower and evolving into passive withdrawal from society.

The coexistence of quiet quitting and rat race, especially the phenomenon of “45-degree quiet quitting,” vividly captures the contradictory state of being unable to compete further yet unwilling to fully disengage. In reality, quiet quitting is often a rhetorical outlet for stress relief; most post-2000 individuals are “physically quiet quitting but mentally unsettled.” As a generation at the forefront of the times, they are searching for a third coordinate of youth—neither tools alienated by competition nor hermits escaping reality, but modern individuals with integrated and complete personalities.

The mentality barriers created by information “cocoons” have left some in the post-2000 generation feeling confused and anxious. As a cohort raised under careful family protection, some entered “defensive mode” early: opportunities for independent social practice are limited, close peer relationships are weak, and a “snowflake” is easily formed. Defensive mechanisms built across cognition, emotion, attitude, and behavior gradually solidify, intensifying the cocooning of social mentality. Algorithmic information “feeding” via smartphones undoubtedly exacerbates this trend.

Under such mental patterns, some post-2000 individuals tend to select information aligned with their interests, judge issues and viewpoints based on subjective needs, and struggle to accept differing perspectives. Their social circles are narrow, consisting primarily of interactions with “like-minded” individuals, and they fail to establish robust social networks in life and work, lacking proficiency in interpersonal cooperation. Others prefer to construct virtual social relationships online to compensate for deficiencies in real-world connections, resulting in the contrast of being “social butterflies online but socially anxious offline.” At the same time, information cocoons and cognitive cocoons induce mental anxiety among some in this cohort. When confused, some turn to online mysticism and digital divination apps, while comment sections become important spaces for relieving anxiety and seeking spiritual comfort.

Driven by distinctive aesthetic sensibilities and a strong desire for self-expression, some post-2000 individuals exhibit consumption and leisure patterns that blend tradition and modernity. As material needs give way to spiritual ones, their consumption values not only lead mainstream trends but also transcend them. They are among the first to shift life priorities from the “material” to the “spiritual,” fueling the rise of “reverse consumption.” For example, floral cotton jackets and military coats have become popular on university campuses, with students remarking, “It’s not that we can’t afford down jackets—it’s that military coats offer better value.” Feature phones, seemingly obsolete, have regained popularity among some post-2000 users due to their alignment with minimalism and “digital detox” ideals. They reassess their relationship with technology, pursue simpler lives, and explore healthier digital lifestyles.

According to the 2025 Youth Emotional Consumption Trends Report, 88.2 percent of young people report being under stress, with “emotional value” becoming the core driver of consumption. This has fueled explosive growth in industries such as designer toys, cultural tourism, pets, and food, while stress-relief gadgets and creative novelty items serve as “mental fast chargers.”

This consumption outlook reflects an awakening of self-awareness among young consumers, emphasizing the essence of life, the pursuit of inner tranquility, and a return-to-basics aesthetic. In fast-paced modern life, they increasingly seek spaces that soothe the mind and restore simplicity. Many in the post-2000 generation favor more economical, comfortable, and enjoyable forms of travel, prioritizing authentic experiences and diverse needs at destinations.

The Formation Mechanisms and Risk Assessment of the Social Mentality of the Post-2000 Generation

The formation of each generation’s social mentality is closely linked to the economic development, technological progress, and social transformation of its time. It is both the outcome of interaction between tradition and reality and characterized by relative stability alongside real-time evolution. Like other cohorts, the social mentality of the post-2000 generation contains both positive and negative elements as it adapts to and negotiates with dominant social mentalities.

The social mentality of the post-2000 generation is rooted in the social environment shaped by China’s rapid economic growth since reform and opening-up. Unlike their grandparents and parents, they grew up during a golden era of national economic ascent. Strong comprehensive national strength, abundant material and spiritual resources, and rapidly evolving digital technologies not only laid a solid foundation for their self-esteem, confidence, and resilience, but also endowed them with the confidence to engage the world on equal terms.

At the same time, they inhabit an era in which traditional values are continuously reconstructed and social structures rapidly reorganized. From value systems to development pathways, from lifestyles to life goals, the support structures of “certainty” are shifting. Finding a certain self in an uncertain world has become an inevitable task in their growth.

For society, structural change is the norm; for youth, anxiety and exploration are the norm. The uncertainty released by social transformation brings development opportunities while also fostering desires for stability, fatigue, and anxiety. Changes in youth social mentality thus reflect both passive adaptation to dramatic external shifts and active efforts to seek order, meaning, and security under new conditions.

The pressure exerted by group mentality on individual rationality may lead some post-2000 individuals to conformist “cognitive downgrading.” Social mentality emerges from the aggregation of individual mentalities, yet once a collective mentality takes shape, it in turn influences individuals through conformity effects.

As Gustave Le Bon observed, “In the psychology of crowds, individual ability weakens, personality converges, heterogeneity is swallowed by homogeneity, and the unconscious gains the upper hand.” Conformity not only hinders independent thinking and rational evaluation, but also drives individuals to follow majority behavior or opinions out of fear of exclusion. This mechanism may be reinforced through alignment with partial individual cognition or distorted by group pressure.

In turn, conformity can amplify collective bias, leading to misinformation and error propagation. When individuals accept and spread group viewpoints without careful consideration, inaccuracies are magnified. Among the post-2000 generation, negative mentalities are particularly prone to online transmission, gradually forming group-level consensus and generating crises of trust and identity. Once such dynamics reach a critical mass, conformity effects may draw more young people toward majority positions, deeply shaping value formation and potentially posing risks to ideological security. The tension between conformity and individual autonomy reflects the fundamental contradiction between humans as social beings and as individuals pursuing self-realization.

As the most significant environmental variable, the internet influences—and even shapes—the social emotions of the post-2000 generation. Compared with other groups, their defining characteristic is co-growth with the internet; they are often described as “digital natives” and “permanently online,” with an inherent dependence on digital space.

For them, the online world increasingly supplants offline society as the primary arena of life. The anonymity and decentralization of online interaction sharply contrast with offline realities, eroding social, physical, and geographic attributes in virtual space and leading some to neglect real-world behavioral norms and interpersonal rules. Combined with the internet’s tolerance for individuality and diversity, this reinforces self-oriented tendencies and may foster egocentrism in social interaction.

The immediacy of online information dissemination encourages reliance on digital communication, reducing time and attention devoted to embodied interaction in physical space. Learning, leisure, and even social relationship construction shift online, heightening risks of social anxiety and cocooning.

Negative emotions are easily triggered at critical junctures. In times of rapid change, fast-paced life weakens empathy, rising individualism reduces tolerance, and layered pressures—from economic stress and social conflict to developmental bottlenecks and personal setbacks—allow suppressed emotions to erupt through emblematic incidents, producing a “wild-horse effect.” This manifests as online harassment, malicious complaints, baseless accusations, and even physical confrontations in public spaces. Negative emotions erode rational thinking, intensify social conflict, undermine moral boundaries, and foster real-world violence, posing serious threats to social stability.

For the post-2000 generation, subjectivity plays a crucial role in modern social formation, providing a pathway toward freedom and emancipation. As Marx and Engels noted, “In our time, every phenomenon appears to contain its own contradiction.” Yet excessive or disordered assertion of subjectivity can generate interpersonal “pressure,” ultimately breeding negative emotions. Meanwhile, online public sentiment is easily manipulated, fostering extreme and radical discourse that provides fertile ground for emotional escalation. Enditem